Pierre-joseph Proudhon Long Signed Autograph Letter. War And Peace

  

For many years, the autograph library has specialized in the sale of autograph letters and manuscripts. "Do I have to withdraw, leave there my revolutionary speculations, break my pen?

" Exile in belgian, proudhon wondered, with doubt, about the reactions aroused by his work published a few weeks earlier by michel levy, war and peace, research on the principle and the constitution of people's law. "My dear ralland, I had the visit of ch. I was hoping to see him again before he left: his friendship for me could not go so far. I thought that my last book had altered it: however, I do not believe, after the explanations I gave him, that his court should have kept the slightest coldness towards me, if I had not noticed for several years only ch. First by his association with the royal palace, then by his artistic mours, finally by his Polish character, gradually distanced himself from the one who was for a moment his leader, and which he undoubtedly looks at as a ruin of February.

It's sad for me; it's bitter, but it's so. He came to me for the acquittal of his conscience; then he fled me as an indifferent, a useless knowledge, almost an enemy. We no longer get along; our classes do not worship the same deities; our attractions are repulsive. That is certain, and I am not happy about it. So why am I nothing?

Anyway, I handed over to the post office, wolf ditch street, where was housed ch. The two volumes I had sent for you m. It's Thursday morning at 8:00.

That I made this commission. Before he left, because he was supposed to leave at 9:00 a. Having finished his business with v. I learned at the hotel that he had left early in the morning for the countryside, c. For the same destination he had gone the day before (waterloo du mont-st-jean). Since he had to lose one more day, I thought I'd see him again: he wasn't.

I have attached to both volumes an evil pamphlet entitled: ingratitude of napoleon iii. By an Italian named delavo, the author of the monument of marengo. You'll tell me in your next one if you've got it all. I thank you for all the fun, useful, informative, friendly things that you fill your letters for me; I would not ask better than to have them like this at least two a week, and I would not blame myself for this purpose of pinching your ear: but I know how to spare your time.

Four hours of correspondence a week is too much. I'm limiting you to 1⁄2 an hour, since you can't help but fill in the four pages of your letters. [Greek mention] is exact: it is an enemy hero that Homer said, not a hero from the gods. I had to know that because I explained the passage in my humanity class, and even I had learned it by court. But I had my head full of divine genealogies, and it was by a true lapsus of imagination, ear and feather that I committed the counter-sense that you raised.

It has been so long since I did no more Greek; and I was able to look at the [Greek mention] as a variant of [Greek mention]. I have the article by Mr. Stappaerts: I haven't read it yet.

I want to make a furnace of everything that has come to my knowledge about my book; and then I will make my account. But is it not humiliating, tell me, to hear me say at every moment: I do not understand you; what do you want?.

The reprint of my book of justice made me see how many negligences, darknesss, inaccurate sentences there were in the first edition, so I made every effort to ensure that this did not happen in my work on war and peace. I have written and written this book at least four times. I have not feared to repeat myself, to fall into repetitions; and nevertheless, we do not understand! Tell me, you guys get it.

Where to take my audience? I am disoriented; I seek objections, rebuttals; and I encounter only this: intelligence. Is it I who am unintelligible? I who, believing that I had an idea, met only trouble and confusion?

If it is I who, indeed, do not hear me with myself, I am well to complain. There's a lacuna or ulcer in my brain, and I'm a painless patient.

If, on the contrary, my thought is right, where are we? What to expect from the public, what to hope for in such a time? On either side, I am only a subject of despair. Do you not think these proposals are clear to you?

Force has its laws, like all things in the universe; the laws of force constitute what one might call metaphorically or mythologically the right and duty of force. However, this metaphorical expression of right and duty of force will become a literally true expression if it is the force considered in man, to be intelligent, moral, and free. I could then enter into new developments, use examples, spread out analogies; to point out that in the final analysis force can only be tamed and properly submitted by virtue of its own laws. And thus peace can only be established by the recognition of the right of force.

I don't want anything to go wrong. Is it again that the above proposals do not seem clear, clear, obvious to you by themselves?

Do I make confusion, when I say that force has its legislation which is: 1o expansion to infinity; 2o absorption of enemy forces, 3o balance, etc. Do I do anything else in this than copying newton, which calls attraction or force the primary cause of all heavenly movements; and who then calculates the laws of this force? Please, speak, answer, deny, straighten me up. Don't let my madness get worse, if I'm crazy or hallucinated; help me, if I'm in the real world. And when finally, speaking of force in humanity, I say that its right has its limits; that therefore there is a competence of the judgment of force that must not be overcome, of the penalty of falling into the abuse of force and arbitrariness. Does this mean violence to thought, reason, logic, language? I am preparing, as an account of my book, a booklet of 50 to 60 pages, in which I want to try to tell the public what is in my two volumes, and what the consequences are, and then ask the multitude of critics how one accounts for a book. Of course, the lesson will be especially to democracy and democratic newspapers: you feel that I will continue my work as a rectifier.

I do not want the policy followed by the century and others; I do not want it for the inside or for the outside. I will measure my opposition to the assistance I can expect from my readers, to their intelligence, at their disposal. That's why I'm asking you for advice.

If there's a chance to get the opinion back, I'll go down to the bridle. If there is too much resistance, I will try to be more serious; if I have everyone against me, well, I will protest against everyone, unless you tell me that I am crazy. I am bored, sorrowful, worried (here it is no longer my book that I speak to you) as time passes and as I approach the time when I placed my return in france, I am seized of a real anguish. I was more cheerful when I left the france than I would be on my way home. How will I find the country, the public, opinion, democracy?

Is there a bourgeoisie, a youth, republicans in France? Has everyone become guenille, and pan of shirt (pannus menstruate)? Do I have to go and expose myself to the teeth of the fierce beasts of judgment?

With what voluptuousness they condemned blanqui! In what ways do they speak to Mr. It seems, in the way the newspapers talk about it, that to hear the whole nation saying, "Don't touch the plum of my oil!" Did you ever see sarrut by any chance?

Recently, in international progress, there was an article by him, a democratic-idealistic-imperial article, a true julian. Germain Sarrut, a former editor of the capitol, came closer to the empire. That is unquestionable to me. We don't do these things for free, unless we're completely idiotic, and g. He just made the transition.

Why did you wait so long? What difference today he, rallied after ten years, and laured (from the ardèche), rallied the next day? Is it possible, when we have entered despotism, to distinguish it again and to classify it by flags and categories? What is the point of saying, as thiers: he saved the france of the factions; he revived the credit; he restored the administration; he won the battle of marengo; he made the peace of amateurs; he enlarged the territory, etc.

I always reply: he was a usurper; he violated his faith, betrayed the people, murdered the republic. Let him abdicate; let him restore liberty and the right: then I will consent to take into account the things he has done. Without this, I will see in all its great actions only the price paid by tyranny in exchange for the freedoms and rights of an entire people, an extra outrage, no excuse.

Yet it is by virtue of the same principle which makes me assert the right of force, and with the help of the same dialectic which makes me conclude this right to universal peace, that I reason in this way with regard to the 18 mist and 2 December. Tell me if I'm crazy? My dear ralland, you are a burgundy burgundy, a good boy who does well, who does not pose, full of vivacity, of train, of malice, of kindness, and who, for your misfortune, appear light to all those who have seen you only three times. But I know you seriously under your mask, serious at the bottom of your calembrains, just spirit, educated, right soul, and firm court.

That is why you have entered so before in my mind, and I say to you: Speak to me, enlighten me, advise me! Should I withdraw, leave here my revolutionary speculations, break my pen? Learch, owner of international progress, offered me the day before yesterday 3000fr. I'd like to help if I wanted to put myself at his service.

I almost wanted to accept. It would exempt me from going back to France.

Tell mme ralland we like him. Master-repeater at the college of buds under the July monarchy, propagandist Democrat, august ralland (1822.1905) was commissioned by felix pyat, commissioner of the republic with buds in 1848, to lecture at the republican club of the city.

Appointed professor at the macon's high school, he was elected to the legislature in May 1849, on the mountain list. He was sentenced to five years in prison and four thousand francs in fine by the gold coast assize court on 11 March 1849 for speeches delivered on 27 February and 9 March 1849 at the broteaux club, founded in mâcon on 6 February 1849. He took part in the insurrection of 13 June 1849.

The high court of verse condemned him in absentia to deportation. He was exiled first to Geneva and then to nyon, where he arrived without papers on October 2, 1849, with charles courderoy and then, a few days later, to Lausanne, where he met Frenchman Jannot and about fifteen other Saône-et-Loire militants, including Sinai-combet. He signed with the defendants of 13 June de Lausanne at the trial on 10 October, to which they would like to go, their response of 9 October to the defendants of London who refused to do so. To the socialist democrats of the seine department. Daté de Lausanne of February 18, 1850, in which the refugees announced that they had formed a "temporary relief committee". Still in Lausanne, he had signed on 17 March 1851 with sixteen other proscribed ones a protest against the expulsion of Swiss from the varé Venetian patriot. A week later, with his friends, he was in turn expelled.

In March 1857, in Brussels. He wrote to the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly: "Citizen Speaker. Having to settle a few cases, I was unable to take action at the disposal of the judicial authority.

My disrepaired health requires some care, which is why my friends have committed me to temporarily exempt myself from the lawsuits against me. But on the day of judgment, I will appear. It'll always be time, because I don't want to defend myself in the high court.

Only, I think that after having had the insignia of representing the people, I will not be able to have any greater than that of suffering for them; it is still a means of representing them, and his cause wants martyrs. Proudhon's regular correspondent, he was one of six executors of the latter's will. Returning to bets, naturalized French, he had to get closer to power.

The Napoleonic prince took him to the island as an interpreter and gave him a position as a librarian at the Senate in 1862, which he held until his retirement in 1896. Call to public opinion by Jean delavo, founder of the monument of marengo. My name is Jean delavo. I was born in Alexandria, in Piedmont, on December 26, 1806 (page 9). Proudhon, war and peace, research on the principle and constitution of people's law, michel levy brothers, 1861.

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